The Mumbai Terror Attack on the 26th of November was a hugely poignant moment for all Indians. As a person who has spent over 2 years as a denizen of that city before returning to Delhi last year, I was stung with the pain, fear and anger my fellow-countrymen in that city would have felt. But this is not just about Mumbai. It was an attack on the fabric of the nation itself. Our house was impregnated, our brethren (Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Jews… everyone) were killed, our pride was dented, and our confidence in our national security system & Indian polity was shattered. It is time indeed to rethink what we, as a nation, want to become – a mourning victim of such perpetual attacks, or a steadfast voice that not just condemns such barbaric acts, but is ready to fight them.
Enough has already been said in news channels, newspapers, blogs, and there are many initiatives – from candlelight vigils to angry protest marches – undertaken by various organizations & groups that have just been formed out of common bonding arising as an after-taste of these attacks and the political response that we’ve witnessed from all parties. At least one thing binds all our political parties finally – they’re all alike in inaction, cowardice, opportunism, one-upmanship and contempt of the people who vote them to power. We, the ordinary citizen, are scum of the earth for them.
If a lipstick-powder wearing woman is not the voice of this nation, then why do they seek them out when it is time to ask for votes? If the family of a martyred soldier is not worthy of a visit by a dog, why should people at such or even lower levels (and I consider myself of a lower level than a martyred soldier) be called for election meetings and told why they are so loved by a politician seeking their mandate? And why should the widow of an officer, who was tormented & condemned for his investigating the role of a particular community in spreading terror, be offered more money than most of us can earn in a lifetime? Just so she keeps quiet at the horrible attitude and apathy of the political masters, and the same politicians who were baying for the officer’s (her husband’s) blood even on the day he was killed by the terrorists, masquerade as caring humans who stand by this nation’s martyrs, and reap political gains on his bloodied, bullet-ridden, dead body. And why should the Chief Minister of the state under the bloodiest attack, organize terror-tourism-treks for his kith & kin, rather than work aggressively towards ensuring that our police & forces are armed to the teeth to not just counter such attacks, but to stop them in their infancy.
I could have used euphemism instead of the strong words that I just used for describing the deeds of our politicians, but while they may sound good, they would be unjust and hollow. The anger in the common man this time is too deep and too unforgiving. And our politicians must awake, arise, and act. Finally, as people who are our representatives and not our masters. For they come from us, the common people. Otherwise, the government of the people, by the people, for the people, will just become a phrase that sounds good, but means nothing. The politicians have to finally put aside their differences and do something positive – not for their sake… but for our sake, our nation’s sake.
Will that happen; I do not know. Will this fizzle out as the candle-light finally fades out; I hope not. But I guess the patience of the people has been tested enough, and maybe this is the catalyst that is going to change things forever.
As I end this note, I am reminded of some lines that I had written in 1984 after the assassination of Indira Gandhi. I reproduce them below.
"Give me a home where no terrorists roam"
Give me a home
Where no terrorists roam
And the kids can play
On the streets all day
No firing, no gun shots
No killing of tiny tots
No fear in the air
No mothers in despair
No murders in religion’s name
Let’s not make life easy game
Guns are not anyone’s toy
Funerals don’t bring anyone joy
Does it matter which God I pray
Does your God hate mine, I say
Is your blood’s colour different than mine
Is your prayer and temple more divine
So, why are we all fighting each other
And killing one another’s son and brother
Is this what you really call freedom of choice
Where only one religion can have a voice
Let’s make our country, our home a beautiful place
Where peacefully can reside human race
And all of us can live together in peace
May I have my paradise back, please
Give me a home
Where no terrorists roam
And the kids can play
On the streets all day
Oh! Give me a home
Where no terrorists roam
And the kids can play
On the streets all day
Friday, December 05, 2008
Tuesday, July 22, 2008
Nuclear Deal - What it means for India and why the political parties are divided over it
The nuclear deal has created much debate inside and outside political circles for the past one year. Not many of us understand it well. Not that we were intended to too – by either the Congress (which is propagating it as being for the national good), or the Left Block (which is demanding the Congress Government’s head for it pursuing the deal), or the BJP (which can’t really decide which side to take; after all they started this, but they don’t want to lose out on the opportunity of toppling the Congress at the center). The general belief is that it is necessary for the country. But the general belief also is that it comes at a cost of compromising our position vis-à-vis the US, and hence we must not agree. Two sides of the same coin, you might say. No sir. These are not two sides of the same coin at all; the coin always has a third side – the circular edge – which due to its very nature of conjoining the two other sides, holds the real truth. And that is the truth that most political parties are not willing to let get revealed. But this article is not about my view of the political compulsions of various parties; this is about the merits and demerits of the deal itself.
So, what is the deal all about?
The nuclear deal is an agreement between India and the US, opening the gates for the US government to supply nuclear fuel and reactors to India, which will also enable the world to collaborate with India in civil nuclear usage, thereby helping our energy needs of the future, apart from various other gains. All the nuclear deal does is to grant a ‘waiver’ from the laws of the NPT, which India has vehemently refused to sign, so that American companies can now pursue nuclear trade with India. From an Indian perspective, the deal itself needs to be seen as what it is primarily – an agreement to shore up India’s energy security and gain access to nuclear and high technology, with transformative effects on foreign policy.
The Deal: Some basic compulsions
As per the agreement, the following must be adhered to for the deal to go through:
• Identifying and separating civil and nuclear facilities and programs in a phased manner by India
• Filing a declaration regarding India’s civilian facilities with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)
• Taking a decision to voluntarily place India’s civil nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards
• Continuing India’s unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing
Arguments Against
• First and foremost, the proposed separation of nuclear facilities into civil and military is costly & difficult or rather impractical. It would also mean that we allow external agencies to come and examine our facilities, thereby exposing our capabilities to the world, and finally limiting them. The deal will impact India’s ability to produce requisite fissile material, as all new nuclear facilities will be civilian in nature and under the supervision of IAEA.
• Second, nuclear power is costly in nature and an emerging country like India can ill afford it. It is a luxury that only the developed world can enjoy and India should not count on it in its energy security calculus. In any case, the benefits are not going to be immediate, and hence there is no need to rush into signing this deal. We must look at other, more viable energy means in the meantime.
• Third, the deal is all about American promises and Indian commitments, and we just cannot trust US to keep its word. If it fails to do so, India will have traded in its independent nuclear program, without having received anything in the bargain.
• Finally, the deal does not remove the discriminatory nature of the present nuclear regime which India has been fighting all along. Why should India place all its existing and future civilian nuclear facilities under IAEA supervision when other nuclear powers are not compelled to do so? In terms of statistics, out of the 915 facilities under IAEA safeguards worldwide, only 11 are in the 5 NPT nuclear power states.
Arguments For
• First, India is a fast growing economy that is looking for all the energy resources that it can get hold of, howsoever costly they may be. The denial of nuclear fuel due to provisions of the NPT regime has been precisely the reason behind the Indian nuclear establishment’s dismal performance. History has given us the chance and we must seize it. If international nuclear fuel is available, the cost of producing electricity will also come down and will be within the affordable range. The benefits that the future generations are going to reap are far too many to negate with a veto against the deal.
• Second, there is no provision in the deal that asks India to place its indigenously developed nuclear reactors under IAEA supervision. The deal is applicable only in the case of existing and future nuclear reactors that will be using international nuclear fuel. Technically, India can build up as many indigenous nuclear reactors as it wants for its security purposes.
• Third, to answer the proliferation charge, the present deal is a win-win situation for the non-proliferation regime since it brings India into the nuclear mainstream. India has consistently put its foot down to join the NPT regime, and has also not given any commitment to sign the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). So, thus far, it has been denied the nuclear status (and benefits that follow) that it truly deserves. Nonetheless, India, despite being a declared nuclear power, has an impeccable non-proliferation record that needs to be trusted & rewarded rather than questioned & punished. That we have got the US to finally grant us what we deserve (and that too on our terms, without us signing the NPT or CTBT) is not just commendable, but laudable.
• Finally, India has still not signed the NPT treaty. But it will enjoy all the privileges available to declared nuclear powers under the NPT regime. In fact, in the eyes of the American non-proliferation lobby, the nuclear deal is an American sellout to India. They feel that the deal is likely to abet the nuclear weapon capabilities of India. For, by the very act of separating the civil & military facilities, without NPT being signed by India, the supply of international nuclear fuel will free its existing non-civil facilities, designated as military facilities, to produce plutonium and enriched plutonium exclusively for weapons’ purpose.
My Take
India is a developing economy and to maintain its current growth it needs power to run its industries. In a country like Germany, 60% of the power comes from nuclear power plants. To grow into a super power we need nuclear energy to keep the wheels of the industry, and thereby the economy, moving at a rapid pace. The deal’s biggest positive impact will be on the country’s energy needs, which becomes a critical consideration given the high oil prices touching $140 and more a barrel, and the imperative of maintaining high growth rates into the future. The second advantage is that it will gain India access to high technology – to larger capacity reactors, for instance, and to monitoring and safety technology. India’s nuclear establishment will be able to participate in international collaborative research on thermonuclear reactors, that could offer significant advantages in the future.
In the face of these advantages, some of the objections raised by critics seem quite peripheral and even trivial. There is, for instance, the criticism that technological cooperation will remain less than full unless the U.S. were to amend its laws to permit export of enrichment, reprocessing and heavy water technology. Or that arrangements for reprocessing the spent fuel imported from the U.S. have still to be negotiated, without which we do not know where we stand. The more substantive objections, however, are basically two.
The first is the Left’s view that the deal will take India into a closer strategic partnership with the U.S., which would mark a departure from the independent foreign policy line agreed to in the national common minimum program. It is a pretty well known fact that closer relations with the U.S. are essential for any progressive nation in a globalised world, because it controls the levers of economic and technological power. Nobody can really object to better relations as such but the Left, as always, is opposed to any relations with the U.S., whether they are beneficial or otherwise.
The second objection is from the BJP – that the deal will compromise India’s strategic autonomy and it will become virtually impossible to carry out another nuclear explosion. That, immediately after the Pokhran 2 blasts, the then Indian Prime Minister, Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee of BJP himself, and thereafter many leading scientists have already said that India has no further need for any more tests, is being conveniently forgotten by them, on the belief that public memory is short and nobody will remember what they said years ago. So, basically, the objection has nothing to do with the deal or its contents per se; it has more to do with the political needs of the BJP at present.
As I see it, the India-US nuclear deal is the much-needed fuel to regenerate our nuclear establishment that is stifling under present international regulations. If the status quo is allowed to prevail, our ambitious plan to be counted as a globally recognized nuclear power, and to derive benefits from the same, will only remain a pipedream. Of course, there are a few conditions, which may be strict in nature, that have to be adhered to. But despite all of those, it is clear that the advantages of the deal overwhelmingly outweigh any threat or flaw, and this is as good a deal as any government can negotiate for us. Were the country to miss this opportunity, it will be an uphill task for any future government to resurrect the deal with a new administration in Washington.
P.S. Almost the entire text of this message has been researched through various articles – both Indian and International. I cannot take any credit for the factual inputs into this; however, any analysis thereof and flaws in the same are solely mine, and I stand guilty should you find fault with my comments. I deliberately refrain from commenting on the political scenario which is likely to be revealed later today post the vote in the parliament. But I guess you can make out who I am backing – no, not the UPA, but the deal.
So, what is the deal all about?
The nuclear deal is an agreement between India and the US, opening the gates for the US government to supply nuclear fuel and reactors to India, which will also enable the world to collaborate with India in civil nuclear usage, thereby helping our energy needs of the future, apart from various other gains. All the nuclear deal does is to grant a ‘waiver’ from the laws of the NPT, which India has vehemently refused to sign, so that American companies can now pursue nuclear trade with India. From an Indian perspective, the deal itself needs to be seen as what it is primarily – an agreement to shore up India’s energy security and gain access to nuclear and high technology, with transformative effects on foreign policy.
The Deal: Some basic compulsions
As per the agreement, the following must be adhered to for the deal to go through:
• Identifying and separating civil and nuclear facilities and programs in a phased manner by India
• Filing a declaration regarding India’s civilian facilities with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)
• Taking a decision to voluntarily place India’s civil nuclear facilities under IAEA safeguards
• Continuing India’s unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing
Arguments Against
• First and foremost, the proposed separation of nuclear facilities into civil and military is costly & difficult or rather impractical. It would also mean that we allow external agencies to come and examine our facilities, thereby exposing our capabilities to the world, and finally limiting them. The deal will impact India’s ability to produce requisite fissile material, as all new nuclear facilities will be civilian in nature and under the supervision of IAEA.
• Second, nuclear power is costly in nature and an emerging country like India can ill afford it. It is a luxury that only the developed world can enjoy and India should not count on it in its energy security calculus. In any case, the benefits are not going to be immediate, and hence there is no need to rush into signing this deal. We must look at other, more viable energy means in the meantime.
• Third, the deal is all about American promises and Indian commitments, and we just cannot trust US to keep its word. If it fails to do so, India will have traded in its independent nuclear program, without having received anything in the bargain.
• Finally, the deal does not remove the discriminatory nature of the present nuclear regime which India has been fighting all along. Why should India place all its existing and future civilian nuclear facilities under IAEA supervision when other nuclear powers are not compelled to do so? In terms of statistics, out of the 915 facilities under IAEA safeguards worldwide, only 11 are in the 5 NPT nuclear power states.
Arguments For
• First, India is a fast growing economy that is looking for all the energy resources that it can get hold of, howsoever costly they may be. The denial of nuclear fuel due to provisions of the NPT regime has been precisely the reason behind the Indian nuclear establishment’s dismal performance. History has given us the chance and we must seize it. If international nuclear fuel is available, the cost of producing electricity will also come down and will be within the affordable range. The benefits that the future generations are going to reap are far too many to negate with a veto against the deal.
• Second, there is no provision in the deal that asks India to place its indigenously developed nuclear reactors under IAEA supervision. The deal is applicable only in the case of existing and future nuclear reactors that will be using international nuclear fuel. Technically, India can build up as many indigenous nuclear reactors as it wants for its security purposes.
• Third, to answer the proliferation charge, the present deal is a win-win situation for the non-proliferation regime since it brings India into the nuclear mainstream. India has consistently put its foot down to join the NPT regime, and has also not given any commitment to sign the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). So, thus far, it has been denied the nuclear status (and benefits that follow) that it truly deserves. Nonetheless, India, despite being a declared nuclear power, has an impeccable non-proliferation record that needs to be trusted & rewarded rather than questioned & punished. That we have got the US to finally grant us what we deserve (and that too on our terms, without us signing the NPT or CTBT) is not just commendable, but laudable.
• Finally, India has still not signed the NPT treaty. But it will enjoy all the privileges available to declared nuclear powers under the NPT regime. In fact, in the eyes of the American non-proliferation lobby, the nuclear deal is an American sellout to India. They feel that the deal is likely to abet the nuclear weapon capabilities of India. For, by the very act of separating the civil & military facilities, without NPT being signed by India, the supply of international nuclear fuel will free its existing non-civil facilities, designated as military facilities, to produce plutonium and enriched plutonium exclusively for weapons’ purpose.
My Take
India is a developing economy and to maintain its current growth it needs power to run its industries. In a country like Germany, 60% of the power comes from nuclear power plants. To grow into a super power we need nuclear energy to keep the wheels of the industry, and thereby the economy, moving at a rapid pace. The deal’s biggest positive impact will be on the country’s energy needs, which becomes a critical consideration given the high oil prices touching $140 and more a barrel, and the imperative of maintaining high growth rates into the future. The second advantage is that it will gain India access to high technology – to larger capacity reactors, for instance, and to monitoring and safety technology. India’s nuclear establishment will be able to participate in international collaborative research on thermonuclear reactors, that could offer significant advantages in the future.
In the face of these advantages, some of the objections raised by critics seem quite peripheral and even trivial. There is, for instance, the criticism that technological cooperation will remain less than full unless the U.S. were to amend its laws to permit export of enrichment, reprocessing and heavy water technology. Or that arrangements for reprocessing the spent fuel imported from the U.S. have still to be negotiated, without which we do not know where we stand. The more substantive objections, however, are basically two.
The first is the Left’s view that the deal will take India into a closer strategic partnership with the U.S., which would mark a departure from the independent foreign policy line agreed to in the national common minimum program. It is a pretty well known fact that closer relations with the U.S. are essential for any progressive nation in a globalised world, because it controls the levers of economic and technological power. Nobody can really object to better relations as such but the Left, as always, is opposed to any relations with the U.S., whether they are beneficial or otherwise.
The second objection is from the BJP – that the deal will compromise India’s strategic autonomy and it will become virtually impossible to carry out another nuclear explosion. That, immediately after the Pokhran 2 blasts, the then Indian Prime Minister, Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee of BJP himself, and thereafter many leading scientists have already said that India has no further need for any more tests, is being conveniently forgotten by them, on the belief that public memory is short and nobody will remember what they said years ago. So, basically, the objection has nothing to do with the deal or its contents per se; it has more to do with the political needs of the BJP at present.
As I see it, the India-US nuclear deal is the much-needed fuel to regenerate our nuclear establishment that is stifling under present international regulations. If the status quo is allowed to prevail, our ambitious plan to be counted as a globally recognized nuclear power, and to derive benefits from the same, will only remain a pipedream. Of course, there are a few conditions, which may be strict in nature, that have to be adhered to. But despite all of those, it is clear that the advantages of the deal overwhelmingly outweigh any threat or flaw, and this is as good a deal as any government can negotiate for us. Were the country to miss this opportunity, it will be an uphill task for any future government to resurrect the deal with a new administration in Washington.
P.S. Almost the entire text of this message has been researched through various articles – both Indian and International. I cannot take any credit for the factual inputs into this; however, any analysis thereof and flaws in the same are solely mine, and I stand guilty should you find fault with my comments. I deliberately refrain from commenting on the political scenario which is likely to be revealed later today post the vote in the parliament. But I guess you can make out who I am backing – no, not the UPA, but the deal.
Wednesday, March 05, 2008
Goodbye Gilchrist!
India won a historic one-day series down under yesterday, finally getting the monkey off their back by beating Australia 2-nil in a best of 3 finals. That there was no need for the third match to played, demonstrates how India dominated the Aussies in the finals totally. But the world is talking a lot about that already, and I shall refrain from doing so this one time.
Instead, I am going to write about the one man I have always admired as a cricketer, who hung his boots yesterday. The man, as is no secret, is none other than the Australian, Adam Gilchrist. Wicket-keeper par excellence, batsman most dreaded, and a sportsman who stands out like an angel amongst his other team members who wouldn’t miss any trick in the world (character assassination included) to get the better of their opponents. He was one man who never waited for the umpire’s decision, but always walked, if he thought he had edged the ball and had been caught behind. A true gentleman cricketer, I must say, in this day of blatant, low-stooping techniques to stay at the crease by so many others in Australian cricket that it has almost become their charter – “do not walk unless the umpire says you’re out”. Even in his last inning, he walked even before the umpire had time to react to the appeal, on a very faint edge, decision on which could have gone either way.
Gilchrist scored just 2 runs in his final essay before edging Praveen Kumar to Dhoni. The fact that he finally finished with 9,619 runs in 287 one-day internationals shows that this was uncharacteristic of his otherwise extremely high standards. Why, on his batting abilities alone, he would be the pride of any cricketing team in the world. And the pace at which he scored runs was always something that gave ulcers to every opposing team captain, and put him consistently on his toes to somehow try & control the run flow.
As a wicket-keeper, he was again unparalleled and contributed to 472 dismissals in his career. And to be keeping wickets to champion bowlers like McGrath and Warne is no mean task, and his contribution to their tally of wickets is immense. He definitely changed the basic qualification required from a wicket-keeper to a wicket-keeper/batsman/all-rounder, and Kumar Sangakkara & M.S. Dhoni would be immensely proud to be from his herd of cricketers.
Statistically speaking, the man averages 33.52 runs per match (I am not calculating averages the traditional way, wherein you look at averages based on no. of innings that a batsman has been out on). In terms of dismissals, he averages 1.64 per match. If he just stayed on to play another 13 matches to reach 300 one-day internationals, he would have scored an additional 436 runs, and crossed the 10,000-runs mark. To get 28 dismissals to reach the 500 mark, he would need 17 matches. So, if he lingered on for some more time only for this very year (nobody wanted him out of the team at all, as his contribution is immense even now, and there are no serious contenders knocking on the Aussie team door yet), he would have surely got both the 10,000 run mark & the 500 dismissal mark, in addition to an amazing 300 ODI appearances. That he had the courage to go into retirement with such huge milestones within his grasp, shows the man’s mettle and resolve.
If only the world (and specially Australia) had more such cricketers, the gentleman’s game would still be extremely competitive, without being combative. I will surely miss him.
Instead, I am going to write about the one man I have always admired as a cricketer, who hung his boots yesterday. The man, as is no secret, is none other than the Australian, Adam Gilchrist. Wicket-keeper par excellence, batsman most dreaded, and a sportsman who stands out like an angel amongst his other team members who wouldn’t miss any trick in the world (character assassination included) to get the better of their opponents. He was one man who never waited for the umpire’s decision, but always walked, if he thought he had edged the ball and had been caught behind. A true gentleman cricketer, I must say, in this day of blatant, low-stooping techniques to stay at the crease by so many others in Australian cricket that it has almost become their charter – “do not walk unless the umpire says you’re out”. Even in his last inning, he walked even before the umpire had time to react to the appeal, on a very faint edge, decision on which could have gone either way.
Gilchrist scored just 2 runs in his final essay before edging Praveen Kumar to Dhoni. The fact that he finally finished with 9,619 runs in 287 one-day internationals shows that this was uncharacteristic of his otherwise extremely high standards. Why, on his batting abilities alone, he would be the pride of any cricketing team in the world. And the pace at which he scored runs was always something that gave ulcers to every opposing team captain, and put him consistently on his toes to somehow try & control the run flow.
As a wicket-keeper, he was again unparalleled and contributed to 472 dismissals in his career. And to be keeping wickets to champion bowlers like McGrath and Warne is no mean task, and his contribution to their tally of wickets is immense. He definitely changed the basic qualification required from a wicket-keeper to a wicket-keeper/batsman/all-rounder, and Kumar Sangakkara & M.S. Dhoni would be immensely proud to be from his herd of cricketers.
Statistically speaking, the man averages 33.52 runs per match (I am not calculating averages the traditional way, wherein you look at averages based on no. of innings that a batsman has been out on). In terms of dismissals, he averages 1.64 per match. If he just stayed on to play another 13 matches to reach 300 one-day internationals, he would have scored an additional 436 runs, and crossed the 10,000-runs mark. To get 28 dismissals to reach the 500 mark, he would need 17 matches. So, if he lingered on for some more time only for this very year (nobody wanted him out of the team at all, as his contribution is immense even now, and there are no serious contenders knocking on the Aussie team door yet), he would have surely got both the 10,000 run mark & the 500 dismissal mark, in addition to an amazing 300 ODI appearances. That he had the courage to go into retirement with such huge milestones within his grasp, shows the man’s mettle and resolve.
If only the world (and specially Australia) had more such cricketers, the gentleman’s game would still be extremely competitive, without being combative. I will surely miss him.
Tuesday, January 08, 2008
Delhi...the city of delights
“Jaadon kee narm dhoop aur aangan mein leit kar” – Gulzar’s these lyrics echo in my mind every time I think of the city where I was born, educated and where I work. Delhi, the city of winter morning dreams, rainy day delights and beautiful spring experiences – this is my city.
When I was born, my family lived in the Choori Walan area of Bazaar Sita Ram, which many describe plainly as Old Delhi. To me, though, that is the heart of real Delhi. Most people won’t know that this area was developed the same time round as Chandni Chowk, and actually is home to the real halwais who prepare the best chaat, the best bedwi-aloo, the best gaajar ka halwa and the best kulfi that was ever prepared in this city, and which has so often been wrongly credited to Chandni Chowk, the better-known neighbourhood.
As a child who lived in a house, that many described as a haveli, inside the deepest of the narrow, winding lanes of the old city, that would be a bhool-bhulaiya for the uninitiated, I used to miss the gardens and the opens that were always welcoming my cousins who lived in the New(er) Delhi areas of Patel Nagar, Malviya Nagar & Lajpat Nagar. What I never realized then was that I was enjoying the so many other joys of life that my cousins would give their right arm for. Like the rickshaw rides from Chitli Qabar to Golcha Cinema along the colourful Urdu Bazaar, where enroute you could stop and pick up small bargains and mouth-watering delicacies like mewa-gazak in winters or kesar-baadaam-sherbet in summers. Or the sheer joy of having a bicycle race with a friend from Hauz Qazi to Jama Masjid – just trying to keep moving ahead on the bicycle in the congested lanes of Chawri Bazaar made even more crowded by the cows who actually own them, or by the jhalli-walas who run amok in the secure knowledge that the road is theirs and anybody else is a trespasser, was a skill that only some old-Dilliwallah could master and then take some pleasure in. For once, it was skill over speed that ruled.
My alma mater, Happy School, was one of the most popular institutions of its time that produced brilliant results and some illustrious students, but could never be as glorious as a DPS or a Modern probably due its location. A much-sought after school for their children amongst the denizens of the old city, this place taught me a lot in not just academics but also in human values that most of us today crave for our children. The place is still revered in my heart.
Post my graduation from the Delhi University, once I started working in the advertising industry, it finally dawned upon me that the true culture of Delhi does not just reside inside the serpentine lanes & bylanes of my childhood, but also in the newer colonies, albeit in a new avatar. It opened my eyes to the culture beyond normal tehzeeb; a culture where the sequined salwaar-kameez was easily given up for the sensuous short skirt; a culture which extended to the cacophonic unspeakables that many Delhiites use as part of their everyday language, peppering their already colourfully rich vocabulary. The Bhatoore-Chholey gave way to Butter Chicken, and the bhaai-saheb gave way to Big-Bro. However, my love for Delhi continued to grow.
Whether it is the hundreds of cricket teams playing at the Ramlila Maidan or it is a family outing at the Trade Fair at Pragati Maidan, the crowds that would normally scare you, merge & mingle with each other as easily as water colours on a canvas, creating a rainbow that can be so welcoming. The Sunday picnics at Qutub Minar or anyday dinners at India Gate lawns, or the charm of just lazing around in the winter sun at Central Park in Connaught Place – which other city has so much to offer? Joys that don’t cost a penny, and yet give you so much pleasure.
Today, as a true professional who has more time for his office peon than for his wife, who now lives in an NCR town and works in South Delhi, I’m almost in Delhi, but still miss being there. I do miss the fun of growing up and exploring this lovely city as a child. I am afraid that my children will grow up not knowing what Delhi is really like, due to my not being able to find time to show them around. The ease of life has given way to the business of eking out a living, and a hectic routine keeps me busy & away from the simple joys that I so cherish, and would like to share with my children. Today, as a Delhiite, my heart cries out, “Dil dhoondta hai phir wahi fursat ke raat din…”
When I was born, my family lived in the Choori Walan area of Bazaar Sita Ram, which many describe plainly as Old Delhi. To me, though, that is the heart of real Delhi. Most people won’t know that this area was developed the same time round as Chandni Chowk, and actually is home to the real halwais who prepare the best chaat, the best bedwi-aloo, the best gaajar ka halwa and the best kulfi that was ever prepared in this city, and which has so often been wrongly credited to Chandni Chowk, the better-known neighbourhood.
As a child who lived in a house, that many described as a haveli, inside the deepest of the narrow, winding lanes of the old city, that would be a bhool-bhulaiya for the uninitiated, I used to miss the gardens and the opens that were always welcoming my cousins who lived in the New(er) Delhi areas of Patel Nagar, Malviya Nagar & Lajpat Nagar. What I never realized then was that I was enjoying the so many other joys of life that my cousins would give their right arm for. Like the rickshaw rides from Chitli Qabar to Golcha Cinema along the colourful Urdu Bazaar, where enroute you could stop and pick up small bargains and mouth-watering delicacies like mewa-gazak in winters or kesar-baadaam-sherbet in summers. Or the sheer joy of having a bicycle race with a friend from Hauz Qazi to Jama Masjid – just trying to keep moving ahead on the bicycle in the congested lanes of Chawri Bazaar made even more crowded by the cows who actually own them, or by the jhalli-walas who run amok in the secure knowledge that the road is theirs and anybody else is a trespasser, was a skill that only some old-Dilliwallah could master and then take some pleasure in. For once, it was skill over speed that ruled.
My alma mater, Happy School, was one of the most popular institutions of its time that produced brilliant results and some illustrious students, but could never be as glorious as a DPS or a Modern probably due its location. A much-sought after school for their children amongst the denizens of the old city, this place taught me a lot in not just academics but also in human values that most of us today crave for our children. The place is still revered in my heart.
Post my graduation from the Delhi University, once I started working in the advertising industry, it finally dawned upon me that the true culture of Delhi does not just reside inside the serpentine lanes & bylanes of my childhood, but also in the newer colonies, albeit in a new avatar. It opened my eyes to the culture beyond normal tehzeeb; a culture where the sequined salwaar-kameez was easily given up for the sensuous short skirt; a culture which extended to the cacophonic unspeakables that many Delhiites use as part of their everyday language, peppering their already colourfully rich vocabulary. The Bhatoore-Chholey gave way to Butter Chicken, and the bhaai-saheb gave way to Big-Bro. However, my love for Delhi continued to grow.
Whether it is the hundreds of cricket teams playing at the Ramlila Maidan or it is a family outing at the Trade Fair at Pragati Maidan, the crowds that would normally scare you, merge & mingle with each other as easily as water colours on a canvas, creating a rainbow that can be so welcoming. The Sunday picnics at Qutub Minar or anyday dinners at India Gate lawns, or the charm of just lazing around in the winter sun at Central Park in Connaught Place – which other city has so much to offer? Joys that don’t cost a penny, and yet give you so much pleasure.
Today, as a true professional who has more time for his office peon than for his wife, who now lives in an NCR town and works in South Delhi, I’m almost in Delhi, but still miss being there. I do miss the fun of growing up and exploring this lovely city as a child. I am afraid that my children will grow up not knowing what Delhi is really like, due to my not being able to find time to show them around. The ease of life has given way to the business of eking out a living, and a hectic routine keeps me busy & away from the simple joys that I so cherish, and would like to share with my children. Today, as a Delhiite, my heart cries out, “Dil dhoondta hai phir wahi fursat ke raat din…”
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)